“The Power Behind the Robes”: Who Is Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran’s New Supreme Leader?

BY Olayinka Biodun Ogungbe

Amid the tensions and conflicts in the Middle East, Mojtaba Khamenei, son of the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has been selected as Supreme Leader of Iran. The Islamic Republic lost its previous Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to a US-Israeli strike, which also wiped out most of the Iranian military leadership at the beginning of “Operation Epic Fury.” The Iranian retaliation was wider than expected as Israel, as well as Gulf nations, which host US military bases, have been hit by Iranian missiles and drones. Tehran has now officially closed the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway vital for Gulf shipping and oil exports. As air defence systems work to counter missiles and drones in the region, the notion of a quick conflict after the death of the Ayatollah has disappeared from Washington and Tel-Aviv, and all sides involved have seemingly prepared for a prolonged conflict. However, while Tehran has been able to continue the fight, it has until now been led by an interim council, and its actions seemed to lack much direction beyond the determination to continue the fight and possibly force a ceasefire by placing pressure on the Gulf states, as well as strangling the global oil market. The appointment of a new Supreme Leader, therefore, marks a pivotal moment. With the selection of Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran’s military and political establishment now regains a central authority capable of shaping strategy in a rapidly escalating conflict. The pressing question now is simple: who exactly is Mojtaba Khamenei?

Mojtaba Hosseini Khamenei was born on 8 September 1969 in Mashhad, the second child of Ali Khamenei and Mansoureh Khojasteh Bagherzadeh. He was nine when his father emerged as a leading figure in the Iranian Revolution. He received early education in Sardasht and Mahabad, and graduated from Alavi high school in Tehran, after which he studied Islamic theology under the guidance of his father and Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi. He joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in 1987 and served in the Iran–Iraq War. In 1999, he continued his studies in Qom to become a cleric and joined the Qom Seminary as a theological teacher afterwards. He took control of the Basij paramilitary volunteer militia in 2009.

In 2008, a diplomatic cable from the United States embassy in London, leaked by WikiLeaks, in which it was alleged by historian and political activist, Alireza Nourizadeh, that Mojtaba Khamenei was working alongside and under the mentorship of Asghar Hejazi, the then Political and Security Deputy to his father’s office. Nourizadeh claimed he ranked immediately below Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani, who was the Chief of Staff, had significant influence over access to his father, provided counsel, accompanied him on official engagements throughout Iran, and oversaw all political and security affairs under the purview of the erstwhile Supreme Leader. He was described as “the power behind the robes” and a capable leader in political ideology and jurisprudence. Mojtaba is considered to be among the most hardline of the Iranian principlists, and has close ties to some of the most ideologically extremist clerics and is closely associated with those who hold fundamentalist and Mahdist views.

Unlike his father and predecessor, Ali Khamenei, Mojtaba Khamenei spent decades operating largely outside the public spotlight. He rarely delivered public lectures or speeches on political or religious issues, maintaining a discreet but influential presence within the inner circle of the former Supreme Leader. Despite his limited public profile, Mojtaba cultivated extensive ties with the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). His influence reportedly extended particularly to the IRGC’s volunteer paramilitary wing, the Basij, which played a key role in suppressing mass demonstrations during the Iranian Green Movement of 2009, which emerged as a result of allegations that the regime orchestrated the victory of the conservative candidate and President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, in the controversial 2009 elections.

Before his ascension to the position of Supreme Leader, the possibility of Mojtaba succeeding his father had been speculated for years. He was long considered by multiple Western sources as the heir apparent to succeed his father, who ruled Iran for nearly four decades. In 2014, as well as 2025, it was reported that the succession of Khamenei is deemed to have been decided but not disclosed publicly. However, it was also believed by some that his selection was unlikely as the Iranian constitution dictates the adherence to Khomeini’s interpretation of the principle of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist (velayat-e faqih). According to this interpretation, the Supreme Leader must be a Mujtahid, capable of interpreting Sharia law. Mojtaba is a hojjatoleslam, a rank below Ayatollah. Thus, it was argued that his chances of succession were slim, as it would be a sign that the revolutionary Islamic system of government had evolved to dynastic rule. Shia theological principles prohibit such a succession, and both Mojtaba and his father had voiced their opposition to it. It is believed that Mojtaba’s selection by the Assembly of Experts, made up of 88 Ayatollahs, was due to the support of the IRGC, to which Mojtaba still maintains strong ties.

Prior to the announcement of Mojtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader, Donald Trump had openly dismissed reports that the cleric was likely to emerge as Iran’s next leader. Speaking on 5 March 2026, the US president reacted to the speculation by stating, “They are wasting their time. Khamenei’s son is a lightweight. I have to be involved in the appointment.” Trump further warned that the selection of Mojtaba Khamenei would be “unacceptable.” Following Mojtaba’s election, Trump said that he was “disappointed” at the selection of Khamenei, and that Iran’s new leader “cannot live in peace.” Mojtaba’s rise to power might signal an escalation of the already deadly conflict in the Middle East, as he is known to be ultraconservative and his stance on Iran’s nuclear programme is perhaps more aggressive than his predecessor’s, who had issued a fatwa prohibiting the creation and use of weapons of mass destruction. Mojtaba’s stance on the creation of nuclear weapons signals what, at the moment, is an irreconcilable difference between Tehran and Washington. Only time will tell if the new leader of the Islamic Republic will go for escalation or if diplomacy will prevail.